Homework # 5 1) Read the text, complete the assignment and answer the question. What do we mean by politics? This concept is extremely broad and encompasses all self-directed activities. They talk about the monetary policy of banks, about the policy of the trade union during the strike; we can talk about the school policy of an urban or rural community, about the policy of the governing body of a corporation, and finally, even about the policy of an intelligent wife who seeks to rule her husband. So, "politics", apparently, means the desire to participate in power or to influence the distribution of power, whether it be between states, whether within the state between the groups of people that it contains. One can engage in "politics" - that is, strive to influence the distribution of power between political formations and within them - both as a politician "on occasion" and as a politician for whom this is a secondary or main profession, just as in the case of economic craft. We are all politicians "on occasion" when we lower our ballot or make a similar expression of will, for example, by clapping or protesting at a "political meeting", making a "political" speech, etc .; many people have similar actions and their attitude to politics is limited. Today, for example, all those confidants and boards of party-political unions who are engaged in this activity only if necessary, and it does not become their primary “business of life” are politicians "in combination" ... by politics, members of state councils and similar advisory bodies, which begin to function only on demand. But in the same way, quite wide sections of our parliamentarians are engaged in it, who "work" for it only during sessions ... There are two ways to make politics their profession: either live "for politics", or live "at the expense" of politics and "politics". M. Weber. "Politics as a vocation and profession" Using the content of the text, fill in the table Types of politiciansCharacteristicExample 123 2) How do you understand the expression "live in politics"? 3) Participants in a television talk show discussed the relationship between politics and morality. The following judgments were voiced: 1) "I don't care what methods a politician uses, the main thing is that his deeds are good for the state"; 2) "Politicians should not cover up unsightly and sometimes illegal actions with good goals." Think about the pros and cons of the supporters of each of the judgments, and write down two arguments in the table. Judgment Pros Arguments Against 12 Which judgment is closest to you? Why? Additional assignment (optional!): 4) Make a report on political events of the current week and answer the following questions: why do you consider the presented events to be political? What political forces participated in them? What interests did you defend? 5) Collect materials from newspapers about the political activities of the highest authorities of our state, various political organizations. Please mark what you think is the most important in these materials and why?

C6. Consider historical. Situations and answer questions. In the spring and autumn of 1917. a sharp political struggle was going on in Russia. In the course of which the issue of alternatives for the development of the country was decided. One of the important events of this period was the speech of L.G. Kornilov. In the fight against him, a variety of forces united - from A.F. Kerensky to the Bolsheviks.

Why did the positions of such different political forces coincide? How did Kornilov's speech end? What changes in the political situation took place at the end of August - September 1917? Give the facts.

1. Reasons can be given:

- there was a real threat of the establishment of a military dictatorship;

- Kornilov's speech could lead to the fall of the Provisional Government;

- Kornilov demanded the dispersal of the Soviets, in which various political forces were represented

1. In response:

A) it must be said about the defeat of Kornilov's speech;

B) the following changes in the political situation can be named:

- strengthening the positions of the Bolsheviks in the Soviets (Bolshevization of the Soviets);

- the Bolsheviks advancing a course towards an armed uprising and the transfer of all power to the Soviets;

- A.F. Kerensky's loss of support for all leading political parties;

C6. Consider historical. Situations and answer questions. In 1921, a collection of articles "A Change of Landmarks" was published in Prague. The collection received great fame and caused heated controversy among the Russian emigration.

List any three issues that were discussed. And describe the positions held by the authors for each of them.

1. Questions that have become the subject of discussion can be named:

- about the reasons and essence of the revolution and the Civil War;

- about the attitude towards Soviet power;

- about the essence and possible consequences of NEP;

- about the prospects for the development of Russia.

2. The following basic ideas of the "Smenovekhovites" can be named:

- understanding the revolution and the Civil War as a phenomenon caused by all of Russian history;

- a revision of the attitude towards Bolshevism and the Soviet regime as a force capable of ensuring the restoration of the national and state unity of Russia at a new historical stage; the conclusion about the need for emigration to cooperate with the Bolsheviks for the revival of Russia;

- understanding the transition to NEP as an internal degeneration of Bolshevism ("economic Brest");

- hope. That cooperation with the Bolsheviks will push the process of their internal degeneration

1. Events can be named:

1. The reasons can be given:

Participants that existed in Russia since 1816. secret societies have been developing plans for seizing power for a long time. However, the performance on December 14, 1825. on the Senate Square in St. Petersburg was defeated.

Name at least two reasons for the defeat of the Decembrists' speech on the development of public thought. On the internal politics of Nicholas 1? Give at least three points.

The following reasons for the defeat of the Decembrists' performance can be named:

- insufficient preparation of the speech (since the Decembrists rushed to take advantage of the interregnum situation);

- the rate of the Decembrists on a conspiracy (and a military coup)

- dictator S.P. Trubetskoy did not appear at Senate Square;

- wait-and-see tactics of the Decembrists

- decisive actions (brutal measures) of Nicholas 1 against the Decembrists (the use of artillery);

- the Decembrists did not take advantage of the support of the people.

The influence of the Decembrists on the development of public thought and domestic politics was manifested:

- in the awareness by representatives of social thought of the failure of the ideological foundations of the Decembrist movement (development of new socio-political theories);

- in the emergence (development) of the revolutionary tradition in Russia;

- in the emergence of new currents of social thought in subsequent decades (Westernizers, Slavophiles, representatives of "Russian", "communal" socialism);

- in Nicholas 1's pursuit of a policy aimed at strengthening the autocratic power.

C6. After the victorious end of WWII 1941-1945. in society spoke out on the liberalization of the regime, the refusal of repression, the implementation of economic reforms.

What were the opinions of the country's leadership on this issue? Name two opinions. What political course was ultimately chosen? Give at least three facts to support your conclusion.

Opinions:

- proposals for using the experience of NEP, reforming collective farmers, allowing small business, adopting a new Constitution

- justification of the course for tightening the system, "tightening the nuts". A new round of repression. Strengthening collective farms, priority restoration and development of heavy industry, priority financing of the military-industrial complex.

It must be said that the second approach was taken as the basis of post-war policy. And the facts can be named:

- the transfer of funds from the village to the city took on an expanded scale, purchase prices remained extremely low, taxes increased

- first of all, there was a restoration of enterprises in the heavy and defense industries, light and food industries and agriculture experienced an acute shortage of state funding

- repressions were resumed (against Soviet prisoners of war. "Leningradskoe Delo", "Doctors' Case")

- a tough ideological campaign was launched (decisions in the field of art and literature condemning the work of prominent poets, composers, cinematographers, discussions in science, culminating in the defeat of entire scientific directions, etc.)

C6. Review the historical situation and complete the assignment.

After the end of the Second World War, the economic situation in the USSR was difficult, the Soviet leadership considered various ways to revive the economy.

What possible paths for industrial development have been put forward? Indicate at least two of them. Which path and why was it chosen? (State one main reason.)

Proposed ways of industrial development:

A group of leaders (A.A. Zhdanov, N.A.

- another group (LP Beria, LP Malenkov and others) took into account the strengthening of Western countries after the war. US possession of an atomic bomb and proposed the accelerated development of heavy industry, especially defense

The path of development and the reasons for its choice can be named:

Stalin supported:

- the second path, which formed the basis for the preparation and implementation of the post-war five-year plan;

- compliance of this trend with the basic doctrine of building communism on the basis of the predominant development of heavy industry.

C6. In the spring of 1921, a decision was made to replace the food appropriation system with a tax in kind.

What other proposals for overcoming the crisis of the early 1920s? spoke out during this period? Name at least two sentences. Explain why it was necessary to make radical changes in the economic and political course? Give at least three reasons for the course change.

Other proposals made during this period can be named:

Tightening the policy of "war communism", the expansion of violence, the creation of labor armies

- complete rejection of "war communism" and the policy of direct transition to communism. Replacement of surplus appropriation with tax in kind, introduction of NEP

The following reasons can be given:

- an acute economic crisis caused by a long war

The crisis of the "War Communism" policy

- difficulties in the transition from war to peace

- peasant uprisings in the Tambov province, the Volga region, Siberia, the Urals, the Don, etc.

Discontent in the army, Kronstadt uprising

- demonstrations of workers in Moscow. Petrograd, other cities

- the intensification of the activities of the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, and other political forces opposed to Bolshevism.

C6. In 1928-1929. there was a discussion about the pace of industrialization.

What other opinions on this issue were then expressed? Name two opinions. What approach to industrialization was ultimately chosen? Give at least three facts related to the conduct of this course.

Opinions can be named:

- N.I.Bukharin spoke in favor of carrying out I., taking into account the capabilities of the peasantry, while maintaining the proportions between industry and agriculture

- I.V. Stalin, abandoning his previous position, insisted on speeding up industrialization at any cost, financing it by pumping it from village to city.

It must be said that the course for forced I. is chosen, and the following facts related to its implementation can be named:

- in 1928, the planned figures were revised towards and a sharp increase

- As a result of forced I. in the USSR, it took second place in terms of industrial production, dozens of large industrial enterprises were built

- the planned growth plans were not achieved, there was a tendency for them to fall

- financing of I. was mainly carried out at the expense of the village, its price was collectivization, the lagging behind of light industry, a decrease in the living standard of the population, and the use of free labor of prisoners

- during the years of industrialization in the USSR, a command economic system was finally formed, subordinate to directive planning. Completely about the state, systematically resorting to non-economic methods of coercion.

C6. In the late 1960s. there was an actual refusal to carry out the economic reform in 1965.

What opportunities for economic development existed during that period? Name at least two. What were the reasons for the economic difficulties of the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s? Give at least three reasons.

Opportunities can be named:

- continuation of the reform, updating the economic mechanism, permitting the independence of the enterprise, using material incentives, combining administrative regulation with economic

- widespread use of administrative forms of economic management, the actual preservation of the command economy

- deep reform of the country's economic system, significant adjustments to the basic structures of the command economy (directive planning, centralized pricing, etc.)

Reasons can be given:

- refusal to actively carry out and even more from deepening economic reforms of the mid-1960s.

- dominance of the command economic system

Extensive economic development

- difficulties with the implementation of the achievements of scientific and technological progress in the economy under a command system

- disproportions in the development of certain industries

- high level of costs for the military-industrial complex

- the gap between the growth of monetary incomes of the population and the pace of economic development

- dependence on raw materials and world oil and gas prices

C6. Indicate the characteristic features of the development of capitalism in Russia in 1861-1890.

Development of capitalism in industry:

- the industrial revolution began under serfdom and ended after the abolition of serfdom (towards the end of the 19th century). The transition to the factory took place, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat were formed

- acceleration of the rate of industrial development due to the reforms of 1861-1874.

- combination of manufactories with developed forms of capitalist economy (factory, banking system, advanced technology), the formation of monopolies

- development of means of communication, acceleration of commodity exchange

- the regulatory role of the state in the development of industry (loans, government orders, bank support)

- participation of foreign capital in the Russian economy

Development of capitalism in agriculture:

- serf survivals in the countryside, peasant community

- social stratification of peasants (kulaks, laborers), entrepreneurship of peasants

- social contradictions, conflicts

- tougher exploitation of the masses, imperfection of labor legislation

- the bourgeoisie did not have political power

Output: disproportions in social and economic development (developed economy, backward villages, inequality of social groups)

C6. What are the main phenomena and processes of socio-economic development of Russia in the 17th century.

New phenomena in the economy:

- the beginning of the spread of manufactory production (state and merchant manufactories)

- the transition of artisans to small-scale production (to the market, and not to order), specialization of crafts in certain regions of Russia

- the emergence of all-Russian trade fairs (Arkhangelskaya, Irbitskaya, Makaryevskaya)

- folding of the all-Russian market

- development of trade with the countries of Europe and the East, the policy of mercantilism

- the growth of cities, including fortress cities in the Southern Urals, in Siberia, economic development of new lands

Social development:

- changes in the social structure of society (strengthening of the nobility, its equalization in rights with the boyars, the growth of the population of cities, the emergence of the Cossacks)

- the final enslavement of the peasants by the Cathedral Code of 1649

- increased tax oppression

- Social performances (Salt and Copper riots, uprising led by S. Razin) ; general definition of the 17th century - "rebellious age"

C6. In the middle of the 13th century. The Grand Duke of Vladimir, Alexander Nevsky, strove to maintain peaceful relations with the Horde khans, avoid conflicts and not give reasons for new invasions.

Name at least two attempts by the Russian principalities and lands in the middle of the 13th century to pursue a policy different from the one described above regarding the Horde. What reasons predetermined the choice made by Prince Alexander Nevsky? Give at least three reasons.

Attempts:

- in the early 50s. In the 13th century, the Grand Duke of Vladimir Andrei Yaroslavich, in alliance with Daniil Galitsky and the prince of Tver, prepared a campaign against the Horde and was defeated

- in those years, Daniel Galitsky tried to resist the Horde, but was defeated and was forced to admit his dependence on the Horde khans

In 1257, the anti-Horde uprising in Novgorod was brutally suppressed

Causes:

- the devastated and fragmented Russia did not have sufficient strength to resist the Horde

- Al. Nevsky sought to concentrate the main forces on countering the aggression of the crusaders from the West - the policy chosen by Al. Nevsky allowed the Russian lands to restore the destroyed agriculture, crafts, trade

- it made it possible to avoid new devastating invasions of the Horde troops.

C6. Review the historical situation and complete the assignment.

Khan Batu, after the defeat of Russian cities and lands, imposed tribute on them. Novgorod Mongols never "fought", but the Novgorodians paid tribute to the Golden Horde. Why did the Mongols not "fight" Novgorod? Give at least two reasons. By virtue of what the Novgorodians were forced to pay tribute to the Golden Horde? Give at least three judgments.

The Mongols "did not fight" Novgorod, because:

- Batu's army suffered significant losses, was weakened by the resistance of Russia;

- wooded and swampy terrain and spring thaws created great difficulties for the Mongolian horsemen

Judgments that the Novgorodians were forced to pay tribute in favor of the Horde, since:

- The Horde sent its "censors" to Novgorod for the population census and taxation of the Novgorodians;

- Prince Al. Nevsky believed that it was not yet within his power to challenge the Horde of Russia;

- under the threat of the appearance of the Horde troops, the Novgorodians were forced to come to terms with the demands of the Horde and agree to the payment of tribute.

C6. Name the main stages and key events of the formation and development of the Old Russian state.

Stages of development of the Old Russian state:

- 9-10 centuries. - the unification of the East Slavic tribes, the formation of a single state;

- the end of the 10th - 11th centuries - the flourishing of the ancient Russian state (creation of a system of power and military organization)

The end of the 11th - 1st half of the 12th century - the beginning of the disintegration of the state, fragmentation, princely strife.

Key events and phenomena:

- prerequisites for the formation of the state (decomposition of the tribal community, the allocation of tribal nobility, the development of economic and trade relations, the formation of inter-tribal alliances, the desire to organize a rebuff to enemies)

- chronicle information about the vocation of the Vikings

- Norman theory of the formation of the ancient Russian state

- the activities of the first Rurikovichs, the subordination of the East Slavic tribes, the unification of Kiev and Novgorod.

- the baptism of Russia under Vladimir Svyatoslavich, the adoption of Christianity

- the reign of Yaroslav the Wise: the design of the political system, the creation of a code of laws

- the threat of fragmentation, attempts to preserve unity; Vladimir Monomakh.

C6. in the middle of the 17th century, under the leadership of Patriarch Nikon, reforms were carried out in the Russian Orthodox Church.

What proposals for carrying out transformations, different from the position of Patriarch Nikon, were made during that period? Name two sentences. What consequences did Nikon's church transformations have? List at least three consequences.

Suggestions other than Nikon's positions:

- when carrying out the unification of church rituals and liturgical books, rely not on Greek, but on Old Russian samples

Effects:

- the reform led to the unification of church rites and liturgical books, contributed to the strengthening of the spiritual, ideological integrity of Russian Orthodoxy

- a long dispute about the supremacy of secular and spiritual power, was resolved in favor of the secular power, an important step was taken towards the subordination of the church by the state

- a bitter struggle between supporters and opponents of Nikon and his reforms led to a split in the Russian Orthodox Church

- the Old Believers' movement became one of the forms of social protest in the second half of the 17th - 1st half of the 18th century.

C6. In 1956. First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee N.S. Khrushchev spoke at the 20th party congress with a report "On the cult of the individual and its consequences", in which he condemned the Stalinist repressions as alien to the socialist system and stated that they did not touch the essence of socialism created in the USSR.

What other opinions exist on this issue? Name at least two opinions. Give at least three facts related to the policy of de-Stalinization during the thaw.

Opinions can be named:

- the society built in the USSR in the 1930s is not socialist, it is a totalitarian society

- Stalinist repressions were a direct continuation of the policy of the Communist Party and the Soviet state, which was carried out after the October Revolution of 1917.

- Stalinist repressions were caused by a fierce class struggle, resistance to anti-socialist principles, and built in the 1930s. society is a society of real socialism

- the adoption of the decree "On the personality cult and its consequences" in July 1956;

- the beginning of the rehabilitation of victims of repression;

- rehabilitation of a number of peoples who were deported in 1930-1940.

- condemnation of the personality cult of I.V. Stalin at the 22nd Congress of the CPSU (1961)

- publication of literary works containing criticism of Stalinist repressions (“One Day of Ivan Denisovich” by A.I. Solzhenitsyn, “For Daludal” by A.T. Tvardovsky, etc.)

- relative liberalization of public life (inconsistent, combined with deviations from the policy of de-Stalinization)

C6. Review the historical situation and answer the questions.

Until the early 1920s. Soviet Russia was in international isolation. The governments of European countries and the United States did not rush to diplomatic recognition of the Bolsheviks. And the Bolsheviks built their policy on the basis of the idea of ​​the world communist revolution. In 1922. there were two events that marked the beginning of change.

Name these events. Give at least three reasons. Allowing our country to come out of international isolation.

1. Events can be named:

- participation of Soviet Russia in the Genoese conference;

- Signing an agreement with Germany in Rapallo.

1. The reasons can be given:

To interest foreign states in the development of economic relations with Russia;

- the end of the Civil War;

- the transition of our country to NEP, which was perceived by many as evidence of serious changes in the country's internal policy;

- to interest foreign political and business circles in solving the problem of tsarist debts and compensation for losses incurred as a result of nationalization.

C6. Review the historical situation and answer the questions.

In 1855, when Alexander II ascended the throne, the serf economy was in a state of crisis.

What demands on the agrarian question were put forward by representatives of social thought, of different estates? How in the provisions of the Peasant Reform of 1861. reflected the desire of Alexander II to reconcile the interests of different classes?

Requirements of social thought, different classes:

A) the demands of representatives of the "protective" direction (MP Pogodin): abolish serfdom;

B) representatives of the liberal opposition (KD Kavelin, BN Chicherin) advocated:

- the abolition of serfdom;

- receiving land by peasants for ransom;

- preservation of landowners' land tenure;

C) representatives of the radical opposition (N. G. Chernyshevsky, N. A. Dobrolyubov) demanded:

- to abolish serfdom;

- to transfer the land to the peasants free of charge;

D) the peasants hoped:

- get rid of serfdom;

- to receive land free of charge;

- to increase your land holdings.

Alexander II tried to reconcile the interests of different estates by the fact that:

- the peasants received personal freedom;

- the peasants received land. But for a ransom;
- the temporary state of the peasants was introduced (the free labor of the temporarily liable peasants was beneficial to the landowners);

- part of the peasant lands (sections) was transferred to the landlords;

- the system of labor services, largely caused by the lack of land of the peasants, provided the landowners' farms with labor.

What proposals for further actions of the government were received in the spring of 1881? to Emperor Alexander 3? Name two sentences. Name the course chosen by the emperor and give three activities that implemented it.

Proposals received by Alexander 3:

- continuation of the reforms of the previous reign, the creation of a legislative body to develop bills with the involvement of elected zemstvos (draft Loris-Melikov);

- strengthening of autocratic power, inviolability of the autocratic principle of government, rejection of the "extremes" of the reforms of the 1860s-1870s. Toughening of police measures to combat the revolutionary movement (position of K.P. Pobedonostsev)

It is said about Alexander's choice of the third course to strengthen the autocracy and the measures are named:

- promulgation of the Manifesto on the inviolability of autocracy

Restoring the omnipotence of censorship. Persecution of the Democratic Press

- limiting the autonomy of universities

- the introduction of the institute of zemstvo chiefs to control the bodies of peasant self-government

- rejection of the principle of all-class status in activities in the activities of zemstvos and city councils

- limiting the powers of zemstvos, strengthening control over them by the governors

- limitation of the principles of transparency in legal proceedings, the irremovability of judges.

C6. Review the historical situation and answer the questions.

In the 15th century. the Russian boyars held fast to the right of parochialism. And the boyars said: "That is death for them, that there are no places to be." However, in the early 80s. 17th century Tsar Fyodor Alekseevich abolished parochialism.

What was the reason for this measure? What was the significance of the abolition of parochialism?

The following reasons can be named for the abolition of parochialism in the 80s. 17th century

The overdue need for transformations in Russia demanded a change in the principle of appointment to senior government positions;

- parochial order negatively affected the state and military service, the system of distribution of ranks and positions in the Russian state;

- parochialism constrained the tsar in the right to choose officials;

Localism introduced rivalry, envy, and disputes among the boyars.

Provisions on the meaning of the abolition of parochialism:

- personal qualities, professional skills, zealous service to the sovereign became the main source of career advancement;

- a blow was struck to the claims of the feudal nobility to power;

- representatives of the nobility gradually became the mainstay of absolutism, won a victory in the struggle for dominance in the ruling elite of Russia.

C6. Review the historical situation and answer the questions.

Started in the late 1940s. the period of the "cold war" was characterized by the confrontation between the USSR and the United States, an escalating arms race, leading to the danger of a nuclear war.

What were the events and events that reflected the changes in international relations in the 1970s? Why did they become possible?

Changes in international relations:

- a period of some normalization of relations between the USSR and the Western countries, called the relaxation of international tension, has begun;

- important agreements were concluded between the USSR and the USA (on the limitation of anti-missile defense systems in 1972, on the limitation of strategic weapons in 1979);

- there was an improvement in relations between the USSR and France and the FRG;

- the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe was signed in Helsinki.

Reasons for moving to discharge:

The accumulation of approximately equal numbers of nuclear weapons by the opposing blocs (the military-strategic parity of the USSR and the USA);

- awareness by the world community of the futility of building up nuclear weapons;

- calculation of the USSR on strengthening in the process of detente the socialist camp and the revolutionary movement in the world;

- the US reckoning on the weakening of the military-industrial complex and the defense capability of the USSR.

C6. In 1988. General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M.S. Gorbachev announced the deepening of political reforms, the need to democratize Soviet society while maintaining the socialist choice. What other opinions on this issue were then expressed? Name two opinions. List at least three facts related to political reform.

Opinions can be named:

- it is necessary to abandon the implementation of political reforms, limit publicity, curtail the processes of democratization, since they threaten the conquest of socialism;

- it is necessary to act more decisively, to carry out consistent democratic transformations, to allow a real multi-party system, to hold free alternative elections, to eliminate censorship, to recognize the ideological diversity, including the right to exist of ideologies that are in opposition to the communist.

The following facts can be named:

- carried out in 1989. elections of people's deputies on an alternative basis;

- heated discussions at the 1st Congress of People's Deputies

- the creation of the first political parties that opposed the omnipotence of the CPSU

- the abolition of the sixth article of the Constitution of the USSR on the CPSU as the leading and guiding force of Soviet society;

- activities of the Interregional Group of People's Deputies.

C6. At the beginning of the 19th century, M.M. Speransky. He proposed to implement the principle of separation of powers, create the State Duma and the State Council, and carry out other transformations.

What other views on the prospects for the country's development were expressed during the reign of Alexander 1? Name two views. Was Speransky's program implemented? Why? Give at least three reasons.

Views can be named:

- Russia does not need reforms, it needs “not a constitution, but fifty efficient governors” and an unlimited autocracy (N.M. Karamzin)

- radical changes are needed - the adoption of the Constitution and the approval of the constitutional order, the limitation or elimination of autocracy, the abolition of serfdom (Decembrists).

Project M.M. Speransky was not fully implemented, and the reasons can be named:

- plans of M.M. Speransky caused a sharp discontent of the court society

- he did not find support among the capital's bureaucracy, which feared a new system of public service

- the failure of the reforms was also influenced by the personal qualities of Alexander I., who retreated under the pressure of conservative sentiments

- An important reason is the contradiction between the need for reforms and the real danger of a social explosion caused by the reforms.

C6. Review the historical situation and answer the questions.

What goals did Alexander 1 set when deciding to go on a campaign? What were the goals of the Russian soldiers, participants in the campaign? What were the consequences of the foreign campaigns of the Russian army in 1813-1814? for the international position of Russia?

Goals:

Alexandra 1:

- weaken the position of France in Europe;

- create a system of international treaties for the purpose of coordinated actions in resolving controversial issues

- to restore legitimate monarchies in France, Spain.

Russian soldiers, participants in the campaign:

- to free the peoples of Europe from the rule of Napoleon;

- to defeat the army of Napoleon to prevent the possibility of new wars.

Consequences of foreign campaigns 1813-1814. for the international position of Russia:

- Russia made a decisive contribution to the military defeat of Napoleonic France;

- Russia, among the countries that won Napoleon, determined the fate of the peoples of Europe after the Napoleonic wars;

- the Kingdom of Poland became part of the Russian Empire;

- Russia took part in the creation and activities of the Holy Union;

- Russia's position in the international arena has strengthened

1. Ukraine.

Crimea is reunited with Russia and this is historical and highest human justice, despite the contradictions around the process and the current situation in Crimea. Despite the fact that Russia did not have such plans, intentions and goals, everything was done in improvisation mode and this a miracle that such a gift took place, fell from heaven into his hands. Despite the fact that the price of the gift is high and will grow in every sense. You have to pay for it.

The development of events shows that Russia has made grave geopolitical and geo-economic mistakes in the Ukrainian direction. For ten years she reduced the policy towards Ukraine to the issues of gas prices, while the US and the EU conquered its public mass consciousness, put forward the values ​​and goals of the West. And Russia put forward gas prices. Russia has no ideology, no strategy, no value platform, and why it broke the consistent 20-year policy of dissolution in the Western world remains inexplicable. Political ill-considered improvisation as a consequence of the over-concentration of power is completely incompatible with the idea of ​​a consistent strategy in governing the country.

Powerful transformation in Ukraine does not mean at all "The West has shit, but we are offered to clean up after them." This misconception speaks of inaccurate interpretation of position and events. The West did not shit, but successfully implements its strategies and goals. And he achieves them. And Russia is improvising, not calculating the consequences and being surprised at their coming. Russia's goals are not being achieved, and its radical, unpredictable and inconsistent actions are helping to achieve the goals of the West.

The three-month attitude to Kiev as "crooks", "impostors" and "junta", and to the escaped Yanukovych as a legitimate president contributed to civil clashes in Ukraine, victims and the escalation of the use of force to suppress pro-Russian sentiments in the South-East. The pro-Russian part of the population of the Southeast rose to fight against Kiev, following Russian rhetoric, in fact an appeal and a promise in the form of a readiness to send troops, took up arms itself, and Russia chose to stay on the sidelines, being satisfied with Crimea, limited sanctions and "success" in China. Result: the pro-Russian people in Ukraine are "thrown" not only morally politically, but literally thrown under bullets, shells and repression. They are arrested, killed, persecuted and deprived of their future. They have practically no prospects and chances to defend their new republics on their own. Is anyone going to answer for their cheating?

Three months have passed and at the highest level it has been promised to respectfully treat the choice of the Ukrainian people Poroshenko as President of Ukraine. Those. “Crooks”, “impostors” and “junta” who announced the presidential elections in Ukraine three months ago are no longer an obstacle to relations with Kiev? And what has changed besides the personal attitude to the problem? Added legitimacy? But the elections were called by the same "crooks", and the result of the elections is nevertheless recognized?

Paradoxically and sadly, the improvisations of official Russia really caused an increase in anti-Russian, anti-Russian sentiments even in the Russian part of the population of Ukraine. They rallied the population of the country around the Ukrainian idea. Such a success of the "Western idea" in Ukraine could not have been possible without Russian "help".

The failure of Russia's pro-Western 20-year-old policy of its own without proposing a different well-founded ideology, value target platform requires that Western sanctions, isolation and the economic damage inflicted on Russia be regarded as unjustified risk and damage.

A chance to stimulate renovation processes within Russia due to the effect of pressure, blackmail from the West, a chance to move away from rabid liberalism, lack of sovereignty, cosmopopolitanism, political deformation of the system in Russia after the St. Petersburg Forum, the Chinese "Success" disappears before our eyes. After all, the political leadership of Russia is once again confident in its infallibility, infallibility and victoriousness. Echelons of court singers and non-linear, latent Western psychologists-propagandists of manipulators convince him of this, strengthening him on the path of serious mistakes. So in such a situation, similar and even more serious mistakes will inevitably multiply.

The frankness of the situation, frankly speaking, requires asking a question about responsibility for such a significant geopolitical damage to Russia and a failed foreign policy.

2. Chinese "triumph".

But we must also talk about the large-scale economic damage to Russia. The historic Russia-China gas treaty is presented even as a turnaround from a unipolar to a bipolar world. It is easy to understand that adding 2% of world GDP (Russian) to the balance of confrontation between the world economies of America and China makes little difference. China will never be Russia's strategic partner due to its mega-interest in the resources of Siberia and the Far East and its exclusive focus on its own primacy. All he goes for is the role of a younger brother for Russia. A carrier of raw materials and not yet completely exhausted and outdated Soviet technologies. Tactical collaboration with resource-based Russia is the current and not very long-term pragmatic interest of China.

My main argument is again that Russia has no ideology, no strategy of its own, no value base either for a conflict with the West or for an alliance with China. There is concern about the price of gas, amateur improvisations and nothing else. Even if it actually abandons the Russians raised at the call of Russia in Ukraine.

For 10 years Russia held in negotiations with China the position of its own, at least economic interest, without giving up on the price. China demanded a minimum, Russia bargained. Now, when she signed a price for gas in an amount less than the cost of production and transportation, this means the surrender of this position as well. What can prove this argument in the context of a "secret" gas price? First, the secrecy itself. European, Ukrainian prices are discussed publicly. Secondly, the fact of cancellation of the severance tax for this project. This is actually subsidizing the project from the budget. What for? To ensure at least break-even. Budget money could go to the development of the country, but goes to a raw material project. There will not even be gas sales for 4-6 years, at least covering Russian costs. And in St. Petersburg it was announced (for some reason the revealing figure was declassified) that Russia would invest $ 55 billion of its own funds (China is only $ 22 billion). Mystical meaning! Recently, almost the same amount - $ 50 billion - was actually taken away from an investment opportunity development of the country, high technologies, creation and renewal of fixed assets of the country, creation of nationally significant infrastructures and new jobs and is aimed at paying guest workers, foreign orders and imports of equipment and "entertainment", international obligations to finance the Olympic Games, for a two-week sports festival. And then on the need to bear the costs of maintaining excess sports facilities.

Now, in the same way, $ 55 billion is taken away from the country's development resources for a raw material project, which, moreover, does not promise the country a long-term income until the costs are paid. On the contrary, it promises budget spending.

Why was this done so hastily and so unsuccessfully? The explanation is exclusively Ukrainian. Political. Psychological. Does the West threaten Russia not to buy gas? Well, let's find another buyer. That's it, if we talk about the main components of the reasons, the explanation. Of course, it’s positive that the political and psychological leadership of the country is gaining confidence, which is needed in relations with the West in any case. Indeed, over 15 years, the dependence of the Russian economy and the state budget has been brought to more than 60% of the raw material income in the country's budget! The USSR had only 10%. The drop in oil prices eventually led to the collapse of the budget, the economy and the USSR itself. Russia needs to get rid of such a deadly factor of lack of confidence. And what does she do?

Maybe it is restoring the monetization of the economy? After all, an artificial financial deficit due to the corresponding sabotage policy of the Central Bank of Russia 3.5 trillion. dollars. No, on the contrary, Ulyukaev (one of the ideologists since Gaidar's times) is declared in St. Petersburg to the whole world as an outstanding economic mind and leader in Russia (and he speaks English tolerably well). M. b. Is the inalienable role of the state in investment and development management being restored? No. M. b. is the insane policy of the Central Bank in refinancing the banking system terminated, the establishment of the refinancing rate "from inflation"? No. On the contrary, in St. Petersburg it was confirmed that the investment loan will continue to be made from inflation according to the “inflation + 1%” scheme. In other words, upon gaining confidence that China will help us against the West, the unsuitable financial economic policy within Russia is only getting stronger and it is already clear that it will be continued. So this is a direct threat to Russian development. Instead of getting rid of the factors of lack of sovereignty through the internal reorganization of an unsuitable economic and financial model, the Western dollar dependence is replaced by the eastern yuan one.

As a result of the "Chinese success", the regime of personal over-concentrated power is also strengthened, as well as the likelihood of subsequent improvisations and their new consequences, like those that have already come. It is necessary to see the forecast of new traps for Russia, into which it will fall again if there are no changes within the country.

Without ideology, without national identity and values, without departing from the previous 20-year liberal cosmopolitan line, Russia's chances of successful development are only diminishing.

However, something must start to change. And this chance, in principle, is also growing.

Answered: General Director of the Center, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Doctor of Political Sciences. Stepan Sulakshin

A quote from the statements of the top political leadership of Russia

The political situation covers especially significant phenomena, processes, events of the political life of the country, region, world in a certain period of time.
The structural components of the political situation are: a) conditions and circumstances of political life (objective situation); b) quantitative and qualitative characteristics of the subjects-participants; c) the scale of the action, the time interval, the social space that it covers; d) reflection of the situation in the public consciousness and psychology of people through the prism of needs, interests, concepts and programs (the "understood" situation as a direct socio-psychological basis for the orientation of subjects); e) the level of tasks to be solved, the degree of their influence on the functioning of the political system, f) the results of political activity in solving these problems.
The political situation at every point of its movement is contradictory, and therefore problematic. Any political action that drives a situation, as a rule, presupposes the choice of one of the options, behavior scenarios, and ways of solving problems. This choice can be made on an unambiguous or compromise basis. An unambiguous choice is an unconditional choice of one option, one scenario from a series of conflicting options. The contradiction between the options can reach in its development an alternative, which requires choosing one of two or more mutually exclusive possibilities on the basis of "either - or". A compromise choice is an action based on a combination of positive aspects of a number of close or even alternative options, which allows finding the optimal way out of a situation, an alternative solution to which threatens the existence of the whole.
Any situation at the level of the political system expresses a contradiction between stable and dynamic development trends. Its chronological framework is political events that signify the beginning and end of a given state of the system.
The political situation is any new state of the political system in comparison with the previous one, which at the same time represents a stage in its movement. The political process can be represented as a change in various political situations through which the political system, its individual institutions and other components go through in its movement. In this aspect, it can be argued that politics moves from situation to situation, and the situation is an elementary "step" of the political process. The analysis is carried out on the basis of systemic, structural - functional, comparative and other methods.
The political situation can develop according to several scenarios. This process is discussed in detail in another section.
Workshop 1.
Make an analysis of the socio-political situation in the country over the past six months, based on its structural components.
As an example, let us cite the socio-political situation in Russia in August 1999.
Content:
Political events:
· Resignation of the government of Sergei Stepashin and the struggle to form a new government.
· The scandal surrounding the laundering of Russian money in the Bank of New York and new allegations of corruption in Yeltsin's inner circle.
· Activation of the main political forces on the eve of the elections to the State Duma.
· Election of a new board of directors of OAO Gazprom.
· Military operations in Dagestan and the possibility of resuming a full-scale war in the North Caucasus.

Current dynamics of the political situation: · Ideological and political background of August and public opinion.
· Federal authorities.
· Parties and social movements.
· The political situation on the ground and relations between the Center and the regions.
· The level of social tension.
· Foreign policy: themes of August.
Workshop 2.
Select a politically significant event (presidential, parliamentary elections, armed conflict, division of the country into seven administrative districts, etc.) and analyze it using the following structural components: conditions preceding the event; quantitative and qualitative characteristics; scale; effects. What types of analysis did you use? Which one, in your opinion, is the most effective in analyzing your chosen event and why?

Since we are talking about different types of space, it is necessary to determine what kind of space is the space of political events. First of all, of course, this is the space of formal classifications. In other words, no matter what feature of a political event we set as the main one, events grouped by this feature will be located in the space of this classification. In this capacity, they are not of special interest to us, since formal classifications are possible in relation to any set of features.

Therefore, let us turn to the positions of our main diagonal, which allow us to dispose of the space in a different way. First of all, we establish that the identification of political events is associated with the place of the observer. Events that are inaccessible to contemplation or distorted by the perspective of observation are not identified as significant, they are not visible at all as events. However, the place of the observer, as we have established, is initially determined in connection with his corporeality. Generally speaking, in relation to the entire spectrum of observable events, the statement of this circumstance could only have a logical meaning: only a bodily observer distinguishes his place in space from other places. However, in relation to political events, the physicality of the observer has a more fundamental and substantive meaning. The body, as we emphasized at the beginning, is associated with power. Power in ultimate fulfillment is the possibility of causing an absolute event: death. The causality of power is connected precisely with this potential for causing death, which remains on the horizon of possible events and as such colors other actions.

An event can be identified in the usual way, says Hoffman, if it breaks the frame of the routine organization of everyday experience. The same can be said about the political event, which we associate with the concept of power, without designating for the time being differentia specifica precisely political power. In this case, we should proceed from a simple question: where is the observer? If we pose the question in this way, then we recognize that there is no political event as such, regardless of observation. In other words, what is a political event for one observer may not be an event at all for another, or it may be a non-political event. Is it possible to overcome relativism here? Yes, it is possible if we not we imitate the point of view of a universal observer who would be able to distinguish the correct identification of events from the incorrect one. It is the recognition of the plurality of perspectives that guarantees us freedom from the extremes of relativism. It is enough only to record that a political event is such an exclusively for observers. That is, if for someone a certain event is political, then it really is because he has no other reality. The fact that for some other observers this event is not an event or is not a political event does not mean that it is not; the main thing is that it is exactly the same for a particular community of observers. It is the observer community's observation frame that is hacked by an unusual event, be it an extraordinary ability to control or an extraordinary loss of control, etc. And from the point of view of this new experience, they can overestimate the routine of their usual experience, see in it as well developments, albeit of a different (ordinary) kind. What exactly, in relation to the primary experience and the place of observers, makes an extraordinary event political? The simplest answer to this question comes from the connection between corporeality, place and power. But a simple answer will lead us to difficult conclusions.

The primary experience of corporeality, experiencing the action of power, breaks open the non-thematized natural causality of the existence of the living, including the movement of the living towards death. There is interference in the "natural" course of events, which contains a more or less intelligible and more or less clearly attributed to some will the threat to the body, which is the essence of the causation of power. Let us emphasize that we in no way touch upon the issue of the nature of power as such. We are talking about simpler circumstances: power is visible as power by an observer who, roughly speaking, either shakes his own skin, or can, by analogy, understand the perceptions and actions of other people. Power, thus, turns out to be not a continuity of connections and relations, not a complexly distributed play of forces and resistances to forces, but an event. It is extraordinary in relation to the routine of social life. However, just as in Hoffmann's concept the extraordinary makes the frame of the ordinary visible, in situations with the events of power, the threat to use force up to the infliction of death makes intelligible certain aspects of the established balance of forces, the measure of freedom and subordination, the range of possibilities for action. V to an extraordinary event, power does not manifest itself as existing, as it were, substantively, in ontological independence; here a special logical construction of the event is revealed, attributed by the community of observers to the power. We can say: the logical construction of an extraordinary event of power is such that its indispensable component is power that violates the usual course of things. This construction is reproduced, of course, and in relation to those events that in the usual way and the usual (not specialized in observing politics) community of observers not identified as political. The ubiquity of power, its dispersed, all-pervading nature, power environment, to use one of Niklas Luhmann's later concepts, makes the events associated with the use of power an eventless routine of everyday life for the majority of participants, and only the special interest of the observer divides it into elementary, indecomposable components, homogeneous to the extraordinary event of power intervention.

Here, however, we are faced with a serious problem. If, following Hoffmann, we argue that the frame becomes apparent in the light of an extraordinary event, then what does this mean in relation to the ubiquity and eventlessness of power interventions? At first glance, the answer to this question is easy enough. If some kind of actions for external observers are cases of violation of natural causality, then for the participants in the interaction it can be myself O th natural causation as such. For example, from the point of view of a purely economic exchange, a forced bribe to an official is interference by the authorities in the normal course of events; for the participants, it can be a natural and routine procedure. However, this course of events can be disrupted. Extraordinary actions of the authorities reveal the "true order of things", where a variety of reasons can yield rough pressure.

Potential in the concept of power is more important causal... A hundred years ago, Georg Simmel noted that the threat to life is inconvenient to use, because it assumes that the one who is threatened will definitely make a choice in favor of life and submission, but if he chooses death, then power will mean only the ability of the ruler to kill him. but by no means his willingness to obey. Max Weber's classic (though not indisputable) definition of power is not accidentally associated not with actual forceful action, but with a chance: " Power means any chance to exercise one's will within the framework of a certain social relation, even in spite of resistance, no matter what such a chance may be based on. " "chance of power" then causes why one participant managed to impose his will on another can be very different. But for the observer it is important that the resources of the ruler were realized precisely in the event of exercising power as the ultimate (unrealized) opportunity to deprive the ruled of life. It is also important for the observer that if the will is not imposed, but power exists as a chance to impose it, then the course of events is associated with an orientation towards this chance.

All these explanations will have no value, however, if we simply identify the imperious and the political. It is obvious that political events (which we have not yet qualified in any way) intrude into the area of ​​non-political everyday experience, so we can talk about their extraordinary character. Obviously, power also invades the realm of everyday experience, so we are talking about a special place of power in the logical construction of extraordinary events of the above kind. But are all the extraordinary events associated with power political? - Of course no. Moreover, if political events, whatever they may be, form, so to speak, political routine or if everyday experience is so riddled with the interventions of both political and non-political power, is all our previous reasoning still valid? Let us put the same question in a simpler form: how thorough is the identification of the political with the imperious and how justified are attempts to fix the political as an aspect of imperious interference at the level where space is distinguished as the place of bodies?

We will proceed from the fact that not all power is political power and not every event that changes the usual course of things is political. While these propositions are obvious, they lead us to an important conclusion: since we limit observation to the level where interference with the natural course of events means power over the body, the political is not observable. This does not mean that the political here becomes non-political. This means that it is non-political for some community of observers that is unable to go beyond this interaction and does not see a broader government intervention in events, political meaning. Sociologists are aware of the specific difficulties that arise when we talk about everyday life in societies "permeated through and through" with political intervention and political control aimed at non-political, in our understanding, spheres. Politics, we say, invades the economy, art becomes a political topic and subject of daily political control, etc. (we can talk about an ancient polis or a modern totalitarian regime). That's right: since we identify invasion, the event could be attributed us to the category of political because of the extraordinary interference of political power. However, it is equally important to understand that for the participants in the interaction who do not see any breaks in their daily routine and do not see any broader political meaning in it, this circumstance is not just a "symptom of ignorance." They act in such a way that in the logical constructions of the events of their actions, the imperious political component is a daily routine. That is why the position of an external observer makes it possible to construct rather complex descriptions of events. So, for example, describing the usual political intervention in economic life, the observer proceeds both from the fact that the events of economic interactions, by their logical construction, do not require such intervention, and from the fact that for the participants of these interactions, since they generally divide them into events, such interference is a familiar component of the logical structure developments. We do the same, for example, in those cases when we get acquainted with the narratives of direct participants in significant political events, since their experience is limited to small communities (for example, due to being in a narrow circle of the politician's confidants). The everyday nature of the descriptions, as if not related to "politics proper", often serves as a basis for misunderstanding: the "malicious", "short-sighted", "revelatory" tendencies of such a narrative are controversial. Meanwhile, if we admit that these descriptions themselves, which are rich in historical sources, are executed correctly, they do not contradict political the nature of what is happening. This latter is simply indistinguishable from the position of observation, where the frame of everyday life does not presuppose a broader semantic context for routine events.

Now we can take the next step. Since the direct influence of power on the body as a necessary member of the logical structure of a political event can be distinguished only in relation to those interactions that in sociology are usually called "face-to-face", that is, according to the formula of the late Hoffmann, "co-bodily presence", one should proceed from the fact that the generalized, symbolic nature of power is comprehended here only by carryover: that which does not have the character of such a direct action is recognized as power, since it undoubtedly also manifests itself in a different way, in a wider range of possibilities and means. But this wide range is related to a wider place - in our terminology, it is a region as a place of places. In turn, the place of the observer's places (B I) corresponds on the main diagonal to the practical scheme of the space of the interaction participants (B II). The threat to the integrity of the body, of course, remains, however, precisely as an ultimate, fundamentally possible threat. But only as a symbolic means is power for the first time in the full sense of the word political... Already by the initial meaning of the word "political", that is, "relating to the policy," we can judge that the immediate, nearest communication as Aristotle would say, namely, the household and even neighborhood does not yet possess the property of the political. The political comes from outside the immediate co-bodily presence, is concretized in actions that are part of the structure of power events in a narrow circle. It, therefore, can also be thematized in direct interaction, but only on the condition that a broader context is involved. Of course, political violence can be interpreted primarily as violence, but if the topic becomes legitimate violence, the construction of the event will turn out to be completely different.

Some theorists (in particular, T. Parsons and N. Luhmann) understand power as a symbolically generalized means (mediator) of communication, similar, in its generalization and symbolism, to money. "Symbolic" here literally means the following: in a political action or event, then unity(act of power), which we identify in this element as political, sends to a multitude of rather dissimilar phenomena. We can continue our reasoning by picking up this thought. From the point of view of the theory of events, not power as such, but extraordinary events of power (that is, events that are included in the logical construction of extraordinary events as power actions) have a number of interesting features that make the observer consider them in a broader context:

a) Extraordinary power events can be absolute in all three of these senses, that is sacred,constituent and deadly.

b) Power events are of high valence. Almost any other event can join them.

c) Events of power can thus enter into two kinds of figuration. On the one hand, since power induces other actions, these are figurations that can have whatever character... For example, maintaining order during mass performances requires the threat of force and, in extraordinary cases, its use. Even if the figuration of the events that made up such a spectacle includes "the antics of hooligans who were suppressed by the guards," the idea itself is a figuration of non-forceful, non-authoritative events. On the other hand, we can talk about the actual figurations of power, that is, the events of power that are added to the events of power. For example, during the same event, the order given by the head of the guard is executed by his subordinates, who seek to restore order even despite the resistance of the violators.

In all these cases, it is not just enough for us to point out that power is a chance, no matter what resources this chance is based on. The very meaning of an imperious action is such that it refers to a broader space of imperious powers. What does "more extensive" mean?

First, we are not talking about a specific place, but about a "place of places", a region, i.e. significant, in comparison with the directly observable place, territory. The region encompasses elementary places.

Secondly, power "in place", within the limits of co-bodily presence, means certainty: whatever the course of events, the power will be the possibility of extraordinary intervention. But the events that are taking place "in the region" are of a more complex nature. This is due to the fact that the immediacy of a living body undergoes, with a more detached gaze, important changes. Instead of a one-dimensional course of life, we find a world in which life is not easy there is, but has the meaning, and this meaning is associated with other meanings of actions and events. The stay of the body and the movement of the body are not simply "states of nature and processes" interrupted from time to time by powerful interventions. They can be discussed in terms of good, (aesthetically) beautiful, beneficial or unprofitable, etc. It is not by chance that power as a possibility of deadly violence turns out to be only an ultimate possibility here: its realization is mediated by numerous connections that make violence not only impossible, but precisely devoid of the immediacy that allows in another context to equate the robber and the politician. What happens to the immediacy of the placement of bodies on the ground, if the space expands?

First of all, events taking place in any, even the smallest region, imply movement, changing places... The region, as a place of places, is also a place of motion trajectories. The possibility of movement means that the acting understands the meaning of the region, where the places of their stay are included. Of course, the meaning of the region can be well articulated, reflected, and explained. However, first of all, it must be a meaning that is meaningful for practical behavior. That is why the actors always have some practical scheme, i.e. a semantic complex of knowledge and skills that allows you to navigate within a certain region. The practical schema is pre-reflective in nature and is rooted in body experience, dispositions and habits. Reflection of the practical scheme can take place at the level of comprehension of the rules of the locale, which in its geographic outlines coincides with the region. In turn, the rules of the locale are included in the logical construction of routine events within the region. Since the actors have practical schemes of the region-locale, their actions take place in a certain space, which is set not by the physical boundaries of things, but by the meanings that are associated with these things. A region-local differs from a place in that, firstly, it can be segmented into elementary places, and secondly, it is an area much less rigidly and unambiguously defined possibilities of event constructions and figurations than a place.

Explanation... Let's imagine, for example, a sales area of ​​a store. The fact that it is, it is not made by themselves physical objects (walls, floor, ceiling, various containers, etc.), but the meaning of these objects, their functional purpose. Here you can move, say, between the stalls, to cash desks, scales, etc. Here, division into elementary places is possible, including those that will not have any functional specificity (one square meter of the floor two steps from the counter may not differ in any way from the other). Of course, it is also a "container of power". There are certain rules here: not at all times come here can get in, it is forbidden take the goods and go past the checkout, pay with a card, if only cash is accepted, divide the goods into pieces that are sold only in packages, etc. But there is no set scenario: entered - select a product; chose a product - pay and go. This region can contain places of the most unexpected actions, be it a date of lovers or a spy turnout, here you can find shelter from bad weather, make an acquaintance, etc. We will say that it happened "in the store", although the "scene" was a few functionally indifferent square meters of the sales area. But the store locale was the broader context of the logical construction of these events, imposing certain restrictions and suggesting certain possibilities for their figurations. Practical knowledge of this was quite sufficient for adequate, although not "strictly shoplifting" actions.

It is in this connection that we take the next step in defining political events. At the region-locale level, they suggest the existence (as a chance of intervention) of a deadly power, the nature of which is linked in a logical construction with the possibility of sacred and constituent figurations.

Let's consider this definition in order. First, political events, let us emphasize again, take place at the regional level, not at the local level. In other words, in order to identify a political event, the community of observers must distinguish not an elementary place, but a place of places. As small as the latter is, it can (1) be segmented into smaller spaces and (2) be redefined as a locale. The chance of power, when found in the logical construct of events in a region-locale, is to disrupt the normal course of things. But, since we are talking about locale, power means the chance of extraordinary intervention in the course of events, proceeding according to the rules or at least not in spite of locale rules. Political interference is an opportunity to question practical scheme stay and move in the region, do unsuitable body skills (which in relation to a specific place of event may look like the very simple violence discussed above). By questioning the practical scheme, political intervention will call for its redefinition. The behavior pattern becomes theme, it is subject to reflection on the part of the actor. This is, in more traditional terms, the distinction between citizen and slave. Since violence, however unexpected it may be and from whoever it may come from, is interpreted as a superior force, the subordination of which is included in a new figuration, it is not a political event. On the contrary, in the construction of a political event, even submission “only” to violence means a redefinition of the practical scheme, in which justice, legitimacy, conformity to the law, etc. could remain only one aspect of the logical construction of expected events - until the extraordinary intervention of the authorities.

But we shouldn't just explore the “violent” side of power intervention. The constituent and sacred aspects of political events are no less important. The constituent is the absolute event of radical change contour of possible figurations... Traditionally, it is called order, and the famous line of Virgil, repeated many times by political thinkers novus ab intergro nascitur ordo just means a special kind of political event radical transition... The political order presupposes, as we know, precisely spatial distribution. But for us this is not the placement of the bodies proper, it is about events that refer to the establishment of a region as order and order as a region. This is by no means uncommon, at least not more rare than the extraordinary intervention of the authorities. For order can not only be established, created, as Karl Schmitt would say in a slightly different context, "from a normative point of view", out of nothing. The order also, at least since the constructions of modern democracy began to assume the regular reactivation of the "common will" of the sovereign people, needs constant re-establishment, which is represented by the political event of elections. However, elections are just one type of constituent event that has all the advantages and disadvantages of a routine event that is part of political fictions. It is here that the terminology we propose allows us to see how conventional the border of the political and the non-political is. If radical cases, absolute events, whether it is the intervention of power or the establishment of order, are sufficiently obvious, then other events can be considered political only insofar as these extreme, radical cases form elements of figurations, moreover: how necessary they are included in the logical constructions of other events ... Obviously, both in observation and in participation, this is decided ad hoc: some event may turn out to be both political and non-political, depending on whether it is associated with an absolute political event in the region. The work of an analyst and an interpreter of events is precisely to isolate the space of political events proper: (1) absolute events intruding into the natural course of local events, leading to redefinition of practical schemes of action and the establishment or accentuated re-establishment of the region as a local of possible interactions and (2 ) relative, induced by absolute events, presupposing absolute events as elements of a logical structure, etc. Therefore, the simple question of whether a given event (demonstration, rally, informational message, refusal of a previously declared decision on the entry or withdrawal of troops, etc.) is a political event, it is impossible to give an abstract (regardless of other events), but accurate ( "yes" or "no") the answer. It is only possible to point out the need for a clearly prescribed procedure to determine the quality of an event in its interrelationships in specific circumstances.

In this presentation, we intentionally do not dwell on the sacred event. Like the imperious and constituent, the sacred event is absolute, in other words, it gives a certain quality to other events, entering figuration with them, but not receiving it from them. As such, it is not necessarily political and, as a moment of political life, it is extremely difficult to describe it in sociological terms. However, the observed event, the scientist, as a rule, hesitates to call the sacred in any sense, the sacred is included in the construction of political events precisely as an absolute beginning that is not exhausted by the terms of routine social descriptions.

In this article, we also do not dwell on the third position of the main diagonal. The fact is that space, which becomes a theme, space as the meaning of communication presupposes the study of a completely different kind of events. Large space is generally paradoxical. Precisely because it can least of all be directly contemplated, precisely because it does not directly correlate with the places of bodies, a large space turns out to be that (in theory) disappears with the development of technology, it turns out to be insignificant for calculating the speed of interactions (for example, the results of exchange trading in one part of the world almost instantly affect economic life in the most distant part of it). Being "dematerialized", it all the more easily becomes significant as a topic of communications. Much is not easy here, but the main thing is that in the study of political events on the ground and in local regions, we largely depended on the traditional metaphor of the container, although we did not accept it entirely. Smaller places are contained in large places, the locale is visible and limited as a region, and its identity is created and confirmed by political events. A large space will require additional efforts from us in terms of developing a conceptual apparatus, but this, we hope, will already be the topic of the next article.

See preliminary developments: Filippov A.F. To the theory of social events // Logos. 2004. No. 5; Filippov A.F.Construction of the past in the process of communication. Preprint SU-HSE, 2004.

See: Simmel G. Soziologie des Raumes // and an expanded version of the same work: Simmel G. Raum und Raumordnungen der Gesellschaft //

See: Filippov A.F. Elementary sociology of space // Sociological journal. 1995 no. 1.S. 45-69; The meaning of empire: towards the sociology of political space // Other / Ed. S. B. Chernysheva. T. 3.M .: Argus, 1995.S. 421-476; Sociology of space // Logos. 2000. No. 2 (23). S. 113-15; Heterotopology of native spaces // Otechestvennye zapiski. 2002. No. 6-7. S. 48-62; Theoretical foundations of the sociology of space. Moscow: Canon-Press-C, 2003.

For example, one can realize that a person who is physically close to us is infinitely distant in terms of social distance; but it may also be that his very remoteness from us (for example, on an expedition, in places of confinement, in the commanding quarters) also expresses the meaning of a social position

See G. Simmel, The Problem of Historical Time / Per. A.M. Rutkevich // Simmel G. Selected works. T. 1. Philosophy of culture. M .: Jurist, 1996.S. 517-529. Further cited from: Simmel G. Das Problem der historischen Zeit // Georg Simmel Gesamtausgabe. Bd. 15 / Hrsgg. v. U. Kösser, H.-M. Kruckis u. O. Rammstedt. Frankfurt a.M .: Suhrkamp, ​​2003. S. 287-304.

Simmel G. Op. cit. S. 297.

See, above all: Luhmann N. Soziale Systeme. Grundriß einer allgemeinen Theorie. Frankfurt a.M .: Suhrkamp, ​​1984.

See: I. Goffman, Analysis of Frames. Essay on the organization of everyday experience / Per. from English Edited by G. S. Batygin, L. A. Kozlova. Moscow: IS RAS, Institute of the Public Opinion Foundation, 2003.

See: Ibid. S. 88-98.

Carl Schmitt, discussing the problem of sovereignty, refers to the place in Rousseau's Social Contract, which says that this ultimate possibility of violence is the same for the ruler (politician) and the criminal. See: K. Schmitt Political Theology. M .: Kanon-Press-Ts, 2000. S. 32, and also: Rousseau J. Zh. On the Social Contract. M .: Canon-Press-Ts, 1998.S. 200-201. These considerations show, however, that violence turns out to be political only from a broader perspective. politicians, which we will discuss below. But the attitude of power is found in the events primary in a way that alone makes all politics possible. Power is more fundamental than politics.

Identified by both participants and observers, says Hoffman. But we tend to distinguish between the attitudes of participants and the attitudes of observers to both space and events.

In a large study by E. Giddens "The State-Nation-State and Violence", power in the most general sense is defined as "the ability to make transformations", that is, the ability to "intervene in a given set of events so as to change them" (Giddens A. Nation-State and Violence Volume Two of A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism Cambridge: Polity Press 1985 P. 7.

See: N. Luhmann Die Politik der Gesellschaft. Frankfurt a.M: Suihrkamp, ​​2001. Kap. 1.

See in Russian translation: Weber M. Basic sociological concepts // Theoretical sociology. Anthology / Under. ed. S.P.Bankovskaya. M .: Book house "University". Part 1.P. 137.

See: I. Goffman Order of interaction // Theoretical sociology. Anthology / Under. ed. S.P.Bankovskaya. M .: Book house "University". Part 2.S. 60-104.

This concept was introduced into sociology by E. Giddens and is widely used in modern social geography. “Locale is a container of power, since it makes possible the concentration of resources of distribution and authority. In ... class-divided societies, castles, estates, but above all - cities - are containers for the generation of power. In the modern world, the administrative complexes of organizations are entrepreneurial firms, schools, universities , hospitals, prisons, etc. are centers of concentration of resources, but the modern state, which is the state-nation, in many aspects becomes the predominant form of the container of power as a territorially limited (albeit highly internally regionalized) administrative unity (Giddens A. Op .cit. P. 13) Interpreting an authoritative locale as container not entirely satisfactory. The point is not even that, given the interdependencies that go beyond the respective territories, the "container" turns out to be not a very good metaphor. The idea of ​​a container inspires a static image of both the space itself and the attitude of the actors towards it. The region, as we indicated above, presupposes precisely movement, trajectories of movement.

A typical case of schema interference and redefinition is excellently described in the short story "Michael Kohlhaas" by G. f. Kleist. The tradesman trades in horses and crosses the borders of fiefdoms many times, not attaching much importance to the usual extortions. He knows how to settle his affairs with officials and in court, the unrighteousness and unnaturalness of this routine (transaction costs, in the language of economic sociology) is not realized by him. Extraordinary circumstances (the unfair requirement of a "pass certificate" to pass through the possessions of the cadet von Tronck, the forcible retention of his horses, the refusal of a fair trial, the inability to overcome the strength of the connections that the cadet has) cause him " pain for the monstrous troubles of the world"(see: Kleist G. F. Drama. Novels. M .: Fiction, 1969. S. 452). Ultimately, a law-abiding and pious merchant turns into a robber. Of course, the intervention does not have to be unrighteous. It can also restore"the correct order of things" (how the mercy of Catherine in "The Captain's Daughter" restores the possibility of the entire subsequent routine of family life for Peter Grinev and Masha Mironova). In this case, the political event does not occur.

See in detail about the connection of the constituent event, violence and the sacred in the book: Girard R. Violence and the sacred / Per. G. Dashevsky. M .: UFO, 2000.